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OSPREY
MILITARY
3
VIKING HERSIR
793-1066AD
WEAPONS • ARMOUR • TACTICS
MARK HARRISON
GERRY EMBLETON
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First published in Great Britain in 1993 by
Osprev Publishing, Elms Court,
Chapel Way, Botley, Oxford OX2 9LP,
United Kingdom.
Publishers' Note
Readers may wish to study this title in conjunction
with the following Osprey publications:
MAA 85 Saxon, Viking and Norman Armies
MAA 171 Saladm and the Saracens
MAA 89 Byzantine Armies 886-1118
Elite 3 The Vikings
Campaign 13 Hastings 1066
© 1993 Osprev Publishing Ltd.
Reprinted 1994, 1996, 1997, 1998, 1999
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Artist's note:
Readers may care to note that the original paintings
from which the colour plates in this book were
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Publishers. All enquiries should be addressed to:
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correspondence upon this matter.
ISBN 1 85532 318 4
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VIKING HERSIR
HISTORICAL
BACKGROUND
West Norse dialects. This picture is further compli-
cated by an early emergence of centralised monarchy
in Denmark. Signs of state formation above the level
of clan and tribe can be seen in The Frankish Royal
Annals. When Godfred of Denmark submitted to
Charlemagne it was, in the mind of the chronicler, on
behalf of a unified Danish kingdom. The power of the
early Danish monarchy is plain to see in the refur-
bishment of the Danevirke, a massive, pre-Viking
line of fortifications separating Jutland from main-
land Europe. Only a regime of some wealth and
power could have initiated such extensive work.
The Frankish Royal Annals further note that
To classical authors of the Mediterranean, the world
was balanced perfection. The hot, dry, bright and
civilised south found its opposite in the cold, wet,
dark and barbaric north. The first inkling the
Romans had that the two were not in perfect harmony
was when the Cimbri and Teutones moved into
southern Gaul in around ioo BC. The Romans
understood these tribes to have originated in the
Danish peninsula, but the nerve centre of threat to
the Empire was located further north. The destruc-
tive Ostrogoths and Visigoths are described by
Jordanes as economic refugees from the overcrowded
Baltic island of Gotland.
This Scandinavian dimension to the barbarian
menace survived the collapse of the Roman Empire.
The Frankish successor state, the main inheritor of
Roman traditions, found the far northerners increas-
ingly threatening as time passed. The expedition of
Hygelac the Geat to the Rhineland, recorded by
Gregory of Tours and in the anonymous Beowulf,
appears to be an isolated incident. As the Carolin-
gians gained control over central and northern
Germany, and thus came into contact with the
southern borders of Danish settlement, the Vikings
enter into the historical record with what appears to
be a sudden and catastrophic impact.
When describing Scandinavia on the eve of the
Viking Age it is difficult to avoid spuriously dividing
it into three nations; Danish, Norwegian and Swe-
dish. This division is largely a product of medieval
history. The major difference between the various
Viking homelands was the linguistic one of East and
Norway before the rise of
Harald Harfargi. The
names of the more
important minor
kingdoms are shown in
upper case. Kaupang was
the only town of any size at
this period, but was
subject to seasonal
population changes.
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Godfred's kingdom included the area of Vestfold.
Although the writer placed this overseas province in
Britain it was in fact part of Norway. The Danish
foothold in Vestfold can be seen as the beginning of
Danish domination of Norway. It also led directly to
the early emergence of a Norwegian monarchy under
King Harald in the 9th century.
navian or English king, similar for example, to a
Huscarl at the time of the battle of Hastings.
The earliest violent appearance of Norwegians on
the coast of Britain is recorded in The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle for the year 789. Whether or not one views
the murder of King Beorhtric's reeve (agent of the
king) as an act of raiding, the chronicler confidently
asserts 'Those were the first ships of Danish men
which came to the land of the English'. In reality they
appear to have been Norwegians from the district of
Hjordaland.
The fact that earliest sources are written from the
perspective of the Anglo Saxon Church may well
have distorted our knowledge of the earliest phases of
Viking raiding in England. We know that Offa was
preparing the defences of Kent against pagan seamen
as early as 792 and although our source is not specific
we may suspect that these were Scandinavian pirates.
The terms pagans, pirates and seamen had become
synonymous with the Vikings by the end of the
period. The apparent concentration of early raids on
the monasteries of Lindisfarne (793) and Iona (795)
probably conceals a picture of more widespread
depredations. Continental raids show no such bias
against the religious. The raiders off the Loire in 799,
Early raids
When Norwegian Vikings first raided the European
coast in the 8th century AD, their leaders were not
kings, princes or jarls, but a middle rank of warrior
known as the hersir. At this time the hersir was
typically an independent landowner or local chief-
tain. His equipment was usually superior to that of
his followers. By the end of the 10th century, the
independence of the hersir was gone, and he was now
typically a regional servant of the Norwegian king.
The hersir s equipment and status was now compar-
able to that of an immediate retainer of the Scandi-
Raiding and settlement
routes of the Vikings.
Iceland, England and
France were all colonised
to various degrees and
plundering was common
in most areas shown on
this map.
76042774.003.png
for example, are not noted as seeking out monastic
communities. The Danish assault in 810 on the
Carolingian province of Frisia and the subsequent
attack in 820 may have been directed against import-
ant trading centres. Certainly by the mid 830s
settlements of economic importance became the main
targets of Viking attentions.
The emphasis in Old English records on the
ecclesiastical bias of Nordic raids is one aspect of the
cultural divide between Scandinavians and Christian
Europeans in the 8th century. Even in Denmark,
the most advanced of the three Scandinavian 'na-
tions', the relationship of basic units of society to the
elite class was very different to that in north-western
Europe. The absence of a unified church or even a
common religion weakened the possibility of a single
national monarchy appearing.
The lack of a central authority meant that the use
of violence by the individual, tribe or clan was
institutionalised and accepted as inevitable. The
increasingly powerful monarchies of the various
English kingdoms were able to prevent violence by
legislation which carried the sanction of the church.
This intimate relationship of church and state limited
aggression in a way Viking culture could not.
Consequently when circumstance allowed Scandi-
navian intrusions into broadly peaceful continental
Europe, the unlimited use of violence (a feature of
everyday life in the Nordic lands) found lucrative
outlets.
CHRONOLOGY
789 Killing of King Beorhtric's reeve by Vikings.
792 Offa prepares defences of Kent against 'pagan
seamen'.
793 Raid on Lindisfarne.
795 Raid on Iona.
799 Viking raiders off the mouth of the Loire.
810 Danish assault on Frisia.
830-850 Raids on the French coast and southern
England.
835 Vikings land in West Country, defeated by
Egbert, king of West Saxons,
c. 850 Birth of Harald Harfargi.
The decoration of this
sword (Petersen type L)
shows clear Saxon
influence. Similar items
are the river finds from
Gilling (Yorkshire) and
Fiskerton (Lincolnshire).
(By courtesy of the Board
of Trustees, British
Museum)
851 First time a Viking army winters in England - at
Thanet.
865 First English Danegeld paid by inhabitants of
Kent.
866 Fall of York to Vikings.
c. 870 Harald Harfargi sole king of Norway.
c . 872 Battle of Hafrsfjord.
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